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Speech at the Opening of House of Traditional Leaders
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 EASTERN CAPE PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENT
SPEECH BY PREMIER STOFILE
 OPENING THE HOUSE OF TRADITIONAL LEADERS
 9 MARCH 2001



INTRODUCTION

The first term of our first democratic government came to an end in June 1999. The first term of this venerable House comes to an end in 
September 2001. As such, today marks the beginning of the end of the first term of this House. So this is a very historic day for all of 
us. This obviously challenges us to do some stock-taking and some introspection. This, I believe, will in turn equip the House to deal with 
the backlogs and future challenges of transformation. Such an exercise of stocktaking should also define how we, as indigenous Africans 
will participate in the African Century for Development. We have no choice but participate if we do not want the destiny of our country to 
be defined by others without us.

As I once said in this house, this is not going to be an easy task. But it is a task that must be tackled nonetheless.

For eight decades, Boer and Briton have been struggling with the question of who should be the custodian of the destiny of us, the 
"natives". In 1906 Jan Smuts had this to say when he wrote to John X. Merriman and John Molteno on this subject:

"When I consider the political future of the natives in South Africa &#133; I look into shadows and darkness &#133;."

The "natives" are now in charge of their country. We are no longer what Mackenzie described as the "inland population living under the 
Queen." (Austral Africa - Losing It or Ruling it; Vol by John Mackenzie (1887). We are in charge of our own destiny. We are subjects of our 
own history. As such, unlike Jan Smuts, I consider our political future to be very bright. Already the rest of Africa is looking up to us 
to set the goals and lead the way for the rest of Africa. The rest of the under-developed world sees South Africa as a very important role-
player not only in the local or regional politics, but in world politics. This, despite of the ongoing skepticism and discrediting 
campaigns of our detractors. So we ourselves must be positive about our future and stop being our worst enemies.

PROGRESS MADE

After a prolonged but peaceful negotiation progress from 1990, South Africa finally made a break with apartheid in April 1994. A new 
democratic order naturally also had an impact on traditional leaders and their role in society and in governance. I say naturally because 
traditional leaders too are an integral part or our society. As such any fundamental change cannot leave them untouched. This impact led to 
attempts at Constitutionalising the institution of traditional leaders, first in the Interim Constitution of 1993 and later in the 1996 
Constitution. This was progress no matter how limited.

The establishment of this House was a direct sequel of this Constitutional provision. We must not pretend that the road to the 
establishment of this House was smooth. Indeed some issues that became contentious then continue to cry for a solution even now. We will 
come to this later. We must also record the skirmishes that characterized the relationship between this House and the Government. Some of 
them were very ugly. But all could have been handled in a more matured way. Party Politics tended to bedevil those relationships. We must 
all concede, we have worked hard on the issues that caused conflicts. Our relationship can be defined as being very healthy. This does not 
mean we agree on everything. It does not mean that all problems have been ironed out. But we are certainly having a good working 
relationship. We must build on that.

One of the tools that assisted us out of our adversarial mode is communication. The three-a-side task team that CONTRALESA and the 
Government had established went a long way in dealing with problematic issues. We were able to define things so that we had a common 
understanding of what was confronting us. This way we addressed the SAME issue, whether we agreed or not about how it should be resolved. 
We matured.

Honourable Chairperson, it is common knowledge that even the problems of local government were nearing total resolution as our joint task 
team had reached consensus on a number of areas. The advent of the demarcation process and when issues were now discussed with central 
government without our participation disrupted our progress. We must revive the bilateral task team to deal with outstanding issues.

Since 1996 there has been talk of the audit of Chiefs. This activity was necessitated by the FACT that both colonial as well as apartheid 
and Bantustan regimes had corrupted the institution of traditional leaders. This is an initiative which was supported by this House, some 
communities had called for it and indeed we as government also thought it was necessary.

It is pleasing to note that the process has finally kicked off last November. The first phase is dealing with the rationalization of laws 
that deal with people from traditional communities and "natives" wherever they are. We have been clamouring for this and we are pleased 
that we are now moving towards a uniform set of norms, standards and laws. Of course the pace is not as fast as we would have liked.

The next phase will determine who is a chief and who is not. This is not going to be a nice process. The outcome is going to be sweet for 
those undermined by apartheid and other political whims. It is going to be bitter for those who benefited from the punishment and 
sidelining of their legitimate seniors and should-be rulers. But we must do what is right even if it hurts. Please support what we had all 
agreed to be necessary for the restoration of the integrity of the institution of traditional affairs.

SETBACKS:

The biggest setback for us as a Department was when Chief Bovulengwe Mlindazwe was demobilized by a stroke. His contribution in 
communicating the concerns of traditional leaders and their communities was outstanding. His wisdom and humility continue to have an 
influence on me. I hope that we can find some way to continue tapping on his reserves.

As I have already said, the demarcation process offset a lot of our progress at finding one another. The biggest disaster, of course, was 
the compendium of "powers" for traditional leaders. Not only were some of the issues ridiculous, others were foreign to this Province. We 
can only hope that this lesson informs us that traditional affairs cannot be dealt with in a homogenous way. We cant adopt a trade union 
stance to traditional affairs. If some chieftainesses make rain in their tradition and culture, it does not follow that all traditional 
leaders are rain-makers.

The unfinished business emanating from the above issues led, of course, to the decision by traditional leaders not to participate in local 
government activities. This is to be regretted and we do not think it is the best thing to do. But again, we are not involved in these 
discussions.

CHALLENGES FOR THE FUTURE

1. THE PLACE OF TRADITIONAL INSTITUTIONS IN A DEMOCRATIC ORDER

The point has frequently been made that models of Governance from the West are unsuitable for Africa. But what has not been developed are 
alternatives to fill the space created by democracy. To simplistically believe that the value systems of the West must be totally discarded 
would be academic fantasy and mere nostalgia.

There is a rapid worldwide integration of culture which is taking place. As a matter of fact even the existence of this House attests to 
that. We dare not be romantic about the past.

Culture is not static. But cultural integration need not lead to the total annihilation of any culture. Cultures must blend the positive 
elements of the cultures and value systems that meet so as to forge ahead not backwards. The past must be our source of reference and 
knowledge. It should never be our destination. Our past is a reservoir of the elements of African social organisation and patterns of 
behaviour that should infuse the future with the African culture and African experience.

In the context of the above, we must continue to search for the most appropriate structures for the governance of our country. In my view 
there should be no contradiction between local councils and traditional institutions. The two must find a way of interacting, co-operating 
and of empowering communities for development and democratic participation in being subjects of their own destiny.

We cannot afford to entrench the dual rule which John Mackenzie wrote about : "the local self-government of certain European Communities; 
the personal or paternal government of native territories &#133;." We know the rest. The promulgation of such Laws as the 1913 and 1936 
Land Acts as well as the different Acts promulgated between 1927 and 1957 to create and administer "tribal authorities". Writing about 
these issues in 1900, P.A. Moleteno (son of John Molteno) had this to say : "The most effective agents in the great work (of the whites 
&#145;mission towards the barbarous tribes) were the magistrates and agents whom we had placed among the natives who endeavoured to attach 
them to us by a just and righteous administration."

This was said more than one hundred (100) years ago. So the systems and agents of co-option and subjudication may indeed seem part of 
African traditional institutions to us, the younger generation. But we must resist this sentimental approach. We must THINK what it is that 
belongs to African tradition which should be taken into the democratic structures of the present and the future. This way we will be better 
placed to deal with the challenges imposed by the new times. Emotional statements cannot help anybody in the long term.

THE PLACE OF TRADITIONAL LEADERS IN SOCIETY

This is a very emotion-charged issue for it impacts directly on peoples personal interests and salaries. But we must confront it. How 
should chiefs manage the balance between their responsibility to ALL their people and their PERSONAL choice of a political party or 
ideology? In simple terms, should practising chiefs be members of political parties? Our experience over the last five years of the 
existence of this House should now guide us to deal with this question. We are prepared to facilitate a workshop to debate this issue.

THE COMPOSITION OF THE MEMBERSHIP OF THIS HOUSE

It is common knowledge that the format used in determining a fair spread in the membership of this House was the Regional Authorities 
format. So ten (10 Regional Authorities were identified and they composed the Constituent Components of this House. I need not remind this 
House that the concept of Regional Authorities was an invention of Colonial powers, as mentioned above. The concept of Nations, Tribes and 
Clans was superceded by the notion of geographical jurisdictions. This was necessary for the consolidation of Bantustan management of the 
electorate and electoral processes.

The title of a traditional leader is derived from a traditional community (Clan, Tribe or Nation). It is not derived from a geographic 
area. The King of the Xhosas is their King even if they are in Cape Town, Johannesburg or Zimbabwe. So representation should, in my view, 
be of people rather than of geographical areas. I am suggesting that this House considers izizwe to replace Regions for the representation 
of the subjects of Chiefs and Kings. Indeed, the whole concept of Regional Authorities must be addressed by the rationalisation of Laws & 
systems.

GENDER ISSUES

The biggest challenge to this House is a clear understanding of what traditional communities understand and should understand about this 
subject. There are two critical issues here. First, is the easier issue of gender sensitivity. Already this House is taking some measures 
to address this. Indeed in my travels I have met a number of female royals. But most of them rule on behalf of their sons. This takes me to 
the next question

Does the appointment of a princess to rule mean that when she gets married, her off-springs become heirs to the throne? This question has 
not confronted any great place yet. It soon will. We cannot wait for the problem to arise before we come up with a solution. The laws of 
succession to the throne must be carefully defined blending tradition and democratic values.

TRADITIONAL LEADERS AND GOVERNANCE

Traditional leaders have the wellbeing of their subjects at heart. They are also trustees of the land for their people. This House should 
work out strategies of land care, poverty alleviation, combating crime and the HIV/AIDS. These challenges affect the people directly and no 
leader should sit back and just moan that "we are told nothing". Leaders must lead, not follow. Such strategies that are developed must 
then be discussed with relevant Government Clusters for integration in government plans and strategies. We have repeatedly said that there 
is no one who has monopoly to know what will solve our problems.

We must lead together in forming the partnership that we have so repeatedly called for. This goes too for the rescue of our societies from 
moral decay. Some of our villages are in inaccessible mountains and clifts. Is this contributing anything to the development of the socio-
economic lives of these communities? I think not. They are not likely to have access to basic services.

CONCLUSION

Hon. Chairperson, I have deliberately stayed away from the material needs of individual persons. This tends to bog down this House to trade 
union issues. My view is that we are called upon to lead society with ideas. This House should then debate the ideas, not persons or 
personalities. The search for new forms of social organisation requires a re-conceptualisation of the values that would form the basis in 
creating new ones. Any sector of society which fails to play a part in this re-conceptualisation will be an object rather than a subject of 
our history. Spectators will be alienated and left behind. We do not want that to happen.

The Government has delivered stability. This space should be used to build the South Africa of our dreams. This is going to be a hard road 
full of hazzards and hardships. But history has bequeathed to our generation the task of walking this road for the good of our people. Some 
will fall by the wayside. Others will reach the ultimate goal : a prosperous and peaceful South Africa where ALL our people are equal. Let 
us walk this road together.

REV. M A STOFILE
 PREMIER: PROVINCE OF THE EASTERN CAPE

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